Abstrakt: | World War II in Upper Silesia was a turning point in the history of the
region. It was comparable only with the treaty in Trenczyn, giving Silesia
back under the rule of the Czech Luxembourgers in the 14th century, and
the peace treaty in Hubertsbourg, bringing about a definite transition of
Silesia to Royal Prussia. A period of a two-hundred-year affiliation of Upper
Silesia to first Prussia and later on united Germany finished in 1945.
What began together with the rebirth of the Polish state was the process
of moving the borderlines of Poland westward.
The 19th and 20th century in Upper Silesia was an intensive nation-building
process, consisting in self-identification of Upper Silesians, making a
choice or being in favour of the “historical nations”, or aspiring to build
a separate nation. The real “Silesian tragedy”resided in the fact that this
dramatic decision was taken by the citizens during the bloodiest war in the
history of Europe, caused by regime making use of a murderous ideology.
Thus, the main aim of this work was to answer the question on how the
attitudes of Upper Silesians were created after Upper Silesia had been
integrated with the Third Reich, when they had to decide whether they
perceived their future as creators of the Nazi “New Ruhr Basin” in the east
or members of the Polish nation fighting with the invader.
The work is divided into three parts. The first one presents the military
effects, administrative-legislative and economic integration of Upper Silesia
with Germany. The second part shows the realization of the programme of
the German nation commonwealth creation, and the role Upper Silesians
played in these plans. The last part is devoted to attitudes of Upper Silesians
in the World War II. The epilogue itself is composed of the attempt to use
Upper Silesians to create “the Tower of Upper Silesia” in 1945.
As early as at the end of the war Upper Silesian had to take sides in
a Polish-German conflict. In the remaining part of the occupied Poland,
maybe apart from the Pomeranian district, there was no such an acute
dilemma because in General Government and Great Poland the war was
an act of unprovoked aggression of the western neighbour towards Poland, conducted in the name of the realization of a racist programme of capturing
a “life-space”. However, in the appropriated territories of Upper Silesia,
Germans who were invading used to repeat persistently that their aims
were different; that it was not about aggression and occupation, but “liberation”
and “throwing off the Polish yoke”. In that case, Upper Silesians have
a right to feel that they are being liberated after 17 years of the Polish
occupation. Officially, they were not told about extermination, deportations
or wasteful exploitation of resources in the region, but rather about a fast
economic growth in there. The German triumph in the Blitzkrieg in 1940
additionally confirmed a belief increasing among some Upper Silesians that
this was possible to happen. The offer of modernizations of the council infrastructure,
development of industry and transformations of Upper Silesia
into a new economic centre in the east given to the region, which did not
experience a necessary modification of its heavy industry in the interwar
period under the rule of the Polish government, was attractive, especially
in the beginning years, not only for those who were convinced of the necessity
of appropriating the territory of Upper Silesia to Germany, on the
grounds of their national and political choices before the war, but also for
those who hesitated but, at the same time, saw their future in this vision.
The slogan of building a “New Ruhr Basin” was to mean that Upper Silesians
would be treated differently than the rest of population in the Polish
occupied territories. What was dramatic for them was the fact that they
had to react immediately to this proposal, either accepting it unconditionally
or being aware of the situation in which they’ll have to leave their homes,
become objects of extermination, and will be relegated into the category of
“subpeople” as all Poles.
The choice was easy only for those most patriotic ones. Germans treated
them like aggressors who they had to fight with using all the methods
available. However, in the beginning, many Upper Silesians conceived of
the German offer as a convenient pretext to wait and postpone their decisions
concerning their national choice in time. Hence, a mass registration
in the Volkslist could be observed. This, however, did not entail a common
collaboration of Upper Silesians. For many of them, a turning point covered
the first defeats of Germans in the eastern front at the turn of 1942
and 1943, and mass incorporation of Upper Silesians into Wehrmacht. The
importance of this fact for the attitudes of Upper Silesians has not been
appreciated yet. This mass incorporation, involving almost all adult men
capable of carrying a gun in the territories integrated with Upper Silesia,
was no clear example of collaboration. On the contrary, the obligation it
resulted in the fact that it was no longer concealed in the German army
that Upper Silesians were not, in fact, real Germans, together with blood
sacrifice made by soldiers fighting against their will, was perceived by many
Upper Silesians as the reason for redefining their attitudes.
When the Russian army invaded the territory of Upper Silesia in 1945,
this whole complicated “Silesian knot” was impossible to undo. As a matter
of fact, Upper Silesians were longing for the end of this 6-year- war as much as all European nations were. They were under no illusions about
the effectiveness of German defence, however, unnecessarily, as it turned
out later, feared the Red army attacking Poland. The only action which
seemed rational at that time consisted in waiting. It is symptomatic that the
Polish resistant movement in Upper Silesia took the same measures. The
abandonment of the “Thunder” Plan west of the Vistula, gained recognition
also among those most patriotic Upper Silesians for taking the solution of
waiting, either for another war or normalizing the political situation after
a diplomatic action of the eastern Allies.
The year 1945 finished the process in which Upper Silesia was being
incorporated into the borderline of Poland. A criminal system of the German
Third Reich was a factor that should have played an important role
in favour of Poland also in the process of the national self-identification of
Upper Silesians. The reason why it was not like that was a totally unexpected
continuation of the totalitarian system in the new political reality
after the end of the war. The process of looking for the answer to the question
of the national identity of Upper Silesians under these conditions has
not been deactualised till the end of the century. |